The opening of the 45th parliament included speeches from and . Both assured those present of their intentions to continue efforts to tackle Indigenous disadvantage.
On the lawns outside Parliament House the same morning, Indigenous elders and community leaders joined with Indigenous MPs in a demonstration calling for Turnbull to “meet with First Peoples”.
This , displayed on the lawn surrounded by the “sea of hands”, reveals the extent to which many Indigenous people feel the government has failed to demonstrate good faith.
What’s gone wrong?
For many, relations between Indigenous Australians and the government are best described as being in a .
Turnbull to assume the mantle of his predecessor Tony Abbott as “prime minister for Indigenous affairs”. However, the Coalition government’s record on Indigenous affairs has been poor.
The decision to move Indigenous Affairs into the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet resulted in the relocation of 2,000 staff and a critical loss of policy expertise and longstanding connections with communities. This, along with an agenda that is , has arguably played a role in the failed implementation of many new initiatives.
The mismanagement of a new competitive funding scheme, the , and the to Indigenous funding in the 2014 budget, have both had a significant impact on services and communities across Australia. Many valued organisations closed their doors at the end of the last financial year.
The in meeting the Closing the Gap targets on Indigenous disadvantage is attributable to misplaced priorities, funding cuts, and intermittent government attention.
The punitive “work for the dole” program that applies in remote communities more penalties imposed than jobs created, and has resulted in participants being after payments have been withdrawn. The Remote Schools Attendance Strategy has despite significant expenditure focused on targeted schools.
Where there have been successes, they are barely acknowledged. For example, the highly successful has struggled to attract funding commitments.
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In more recent times
Turnbull has repeatedly ignored calls from Indigenous leaders to remove Nigel Scullion as Indigenous affairs minister.
Scullion’s relationship with key Indigenous organisations is very tense, and his grasp of detail in his portfolio is questionable. His to the revealing abuse of Indigenous juvenile detainees at the Don Dale centre was symptomatic of a lack of understanding of the real concerns of many Indigenous people.
The Coalition government’s selective engagement with Indigenous leaders and representatives has been widely criticised.
Scullion has repeatedly refused to meet with the elected leadership of the ; he . This is despite its organisational membership consisting of more than 185 peak bodies and Indigenous-controlled organisations employing and delivering services to Indigenous people across all states and territories, in addition to more than 8,500 individual members.
Turnbull after assuming office to meet with the National Congress. He has remained preoccupied with constitutional reform at the expense of other more pressing policy issues.
During the election campaign, the National Congress joined with more than 55 NGOs working in Indigenous health, human rights, education, disability, justice and legal services and child protection to launch the . It demanded “meaningful engagement” with Indigenous people, and set out evidence-based action plans for key priority areas.
Significantly, it called for the restoration of funding in Indigenous affairs, and the creation of a new standalone Department of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Affairs under Indigenous leadership.
Labor responded with a . But the Coalition did little to acknowledge the Redfern Statement and its demands until after the election, when Scullion as a “good read”, and to hold a workshop with the leadership of the collaborating organisations.
A chance to seize
The Turnbull government has substantial work to do to repair relations with Indigenous Australians.
With the Redfern Statement as a starting point, there are real opportunities for a genuine change of direction in Indigenous affairs. Turnbull would be wise to seize these.
Conservatives within the Liberal Party and on the crossbench will offer resistance to positive change. However, it is notable that there are now five Indigenous MPs, who all have strong media profiles and a broad range of experience, and a clear interest in working together across party divisions.
The campaign to recognise Indigenous Australians in the Constitution risks losing momentum. But polls show there is positive support among voters for the change. Careful advocacy could see the conversation extended to include the potential for treaties, seen by many Indigenous people as the basis for and respect in the Australian polity.
Most importantly, Turnbull should draw on the expertise and wisdom within the experienced and increasingly politically informed leadership of Indigenous organisations.
Indigenous organisations prepare new way to engage with Turnbull
These advocates know their own policy areas well, understand the complex nature of the problems they work with on a daily basis, are , and are able to advocate strongly for the interests and needs of their own communities. Their advice is far more valuable than that of the handpicked , or even the public servants in the Department of Prime Minister and Cabinet.
In many aspects of Indigenous policy, the government would be well-advised to move out of the way and let community-based organisations dictate priorities and goals themselves. Doing so would recognise their place not just as stakeholders in policy consultation, but as representatives of the First Peoples, and deserving of respect.
